By Drew Tewksbury, Special to Metromix

Speed Racer may be this summer’s too fast, too furious hellion on wheels, but the rad racer’s Mach 5 isn’t the only of revved-up star of the silver screen.

From the Batmobile to the General Lee, click through for a look at the baddest, freewheelin’-est hot rods in film history, rated on a pimped-out scale of 1-10.

“Batman Begins” (2005)

Hot wheels: Batmobile

Specs: “Batman Begins” unleashed the toughest Batmobile to race through Gotham’s streets, complete with building jumping, police car smashing, and general bad-assery. Narrowly beating the sleek curves of the Corvette Stingray in Tim Burton’s adaptations, this militarized Batmobile is top notch tough. It even helped erase the painful memory of nipples on the batsuit.

How pimp is this ride?: 9; There’s not much it can’t do.

“Grindhouse: Death Proof” (2007)

Hot wheels: Chevy Nova

Specs: Breakneck speed and neck-breaking wrecks made Quentin Tarantino’s “Death Proof” a buffet of motorized mayhem. Stuntman Mike’s (Kurt Russell) shoe-shine black 1970s Chevy Nova embodies demolition derby chic with its skull and lightning bolt emblazoned hood and rubber duck hood ornament.

How pimp is this ride?: 8; It’s one killer killing machine.

“Knight Rider” (1982-86)

Hot wheels: K.I.T.T.

Specs: K.I.T.T. comes fully equipped with all the tricked-out features: turbo boost, surveillance mode, and a snarky English wit that never fails to challenge the not-so staggering intellect of Michael Knight (David Hasselhoff). The black 1982 Pontiac Trans Am easily hugs the curves in canyon roads, or jumps over miscellaneous obstacles. The radical roadster struck fear into any criminal who glimpsed its flashing red light in their rear view mirror.

How pimp is this ride?: 8; Much cooler than Hasselhoff’s music career.

“Ghostbusters” (1984)

Hot wheels: Ecto-1

Specs: Fighting ghosts is never an easy gig. Luckily for the wise-cracking parapsychologists of “Ghostbusters,” they had the Ectomobile. The tricked-out 1959 Cadillac ambulance was ahead of the SUV curve, perfect for haunted house calls, holding proton packs and fighting off an impending ectoplasm-covered apocalypse.

How pimp is this ride?: 7; The only car we know of that can withstand a cataclysmic marshmallow explosion.

“Back to the Future” (1985)

Hot wheels: De Lorean DMC-12

Specs: Sure Doc, Marty and Biff may have brought the  “Back to the Future” trilogy to life, but the silver bullet De Lorean was the real star. Whether racing to 88 mph to outrun Libyans, or flying high over the future Hill Valley, the De Lorean’s “flux dispersal” durability was unmatched.

How pimp is this ride?: 8.5; The trash-fueled hybrid was way more stylish than any Prius today.

“The Love Bug” (1968)/”Herbie: Fully Loaded” (2005)

Hot wheels: Herbie

Specs: Everyone loves a Volkswagen Bug, especially when it’s a self-driving, rascally little guy like Herbie. The 1963 classic car-turned-speedster spawned a nearly four decade-spanning franchise thanks to sweet racing stripes and a pesky habit of falling into adventures from Mexico to Monte Carlo.

How pimp is this ride: 6.78; Not nearly as bodacious when Lindsay Lohan drove it, “Fully Loaded.” (Think Disney regrets that title now?)

“The Road Warrior” (1981)

Hot wheels: Ford Falcon

Specs: If you ever find yourself in a post-apocalyptic Australian outback overrun with punks in S&M gear, it’s best to have a way to get the hell out. Mad Max’s 1973 Ford Falcon—with suped-up nitros, headlight covers like Kanye’s sunglasses and a trusty self-destruct switch—provides the perfect escape from motorcycle-riding hellraisers.

How pimp is this ride?: 8.5; Even cooler than anything in Tupac’s “California Love” video.

“Men in Black” (1997)

Hot wheels: Ford Crown Victoria

Specs: It may look like a well-kept version of your grandma’s klunker, but the 1987 Ford LTD Crown Victoria packs a punch under its hood. Even Agent J (Will Smith) had his doubts, “Unlimited technology from the whole universe and we cruise around in a Ford P.O.S.?” But with a push of a button, the Blackmobile goes from stale to stellar, as its rocket-propelled, traffic adverting tunnel antics won over even the stodgiest of skeptics.

How pimp is this ride?: 7.5;  Would be a little sweeter if it had dubs dropped on it.

“The Dukes of Hazzard” (1979-1985)

Hot wheels: General Lee

Specs: For cousins Bo and Luke Duke of Hazzard County, Georgia, there’s no better way to tear trough back country roads than in the General Lee. The deep orange 1969 Dodge Charger had no problem evading the corrupt Boss Hog gang of bumbling sheriffs by busting through hay bails or jumping over creeks. (We’ll try to pretend the movie never happened…)

How pimp is this ride?: 9; The only car to have a Johnny Cash song written in its honor.

“Die Another Day” (2002)

Hot wheels: Aston Martin Vanquish

Specs: James Bond has it all: thrilling adventures, beautiful women, and, best of all, seriously suave cars. But none of his rides quite compares with the 2002 Aston Martin Vanquish of “Die Another Day.” It has everything you’d expect in a Bondmobile—missile launchers, ejector seats, and machine guns—with one absurd sci-fi twist: an invisibility device. Who would ever want to make such a beautiful ride disappear?

How pimp is this ride?: 9.5; Stunning design you wouldn’t even let a valet touch.

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Originally posted on NPR’s blog for News and Notes

In observance of St. Patrick’s Day, we decided to take a look at the connections between the Civil Rights Movement in the United States and in Northern Ireland in the 1960s.

We spoke with noted journalist, author and activist Eamonn McCann, about the influence that the Civil Rights Movement in America had in Northern Ireland.

McCann personally witnessed the beating of protesters in Derry in 1969, as well the notorious Bloody Sunday in 1972, where 26 civil rights protesters were shot by British paratroopers.

*Listen to our interview with McCann

We also spoke with Brian Dooley, author of Black and Green: The Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland and Black America. Here’s some of what he said:
News & Views: Brian, could you describe the social climate in Northern Ireland in 1968. What similarities were there with the challenges faced by African-Americans in the U.S. at that time?

Brian Dooley: There was a widespread dissatisfaction with voting systems, discrimination against Catholics by local government in job and especially housing allocations, and a general sense that after centuries of grievance, things were happening elsewhere in the world and that this might be an opportunity or era when change was possible.

N & V: What kind of solidarity did the people of Northern Ireland have with the African-American civil rights movement in the U.S.? Was it overt or was it more of a subtext?

BD: It was overt. As early as 1963, civil rights protesters in Northern Ireland had compared themselves to blacks in Alabama and Little Rock, and identified themselves as the ‘Negroes’ of Northern Ireland. They sang ‘We Shall Overcome’ at their marches and in early 1969 deliberately modeled a protest march on the lines of the Selma-Montgomery march. Oddly, perhaps, the Northern Ireland protesters identified more with black American protests than the myriad of protests in Europe that year — in Paris, Prague, Berlin, Rome and London. They saw their struggle as closer to that of African Americans in the U.S.

As early as 1963, civil rights protesters in Northern Ireland had compared themselves to blacks in Alabama and Little Rock, and identified themselves as the ‘Negroes’ of Northern Ireland.

N & V: Does Ian Paisley’s stepping down from power symbolize the end of the civil rights struggle in Northern Ireland? Although the battle for equality in America is far from over, why do you think African Americans gained rights more quickly than people in Northern Ireland?

BD: The battle for equality is far form over in Northern Ireland too. Although anti-Catholic discrimination has been outlawed, and many of the initial demands of the civil rights movement have been won, inequality along class lines still exists. Poverty and other human rights are now the issue, much as they are for many people in the U.S.

N & V: Some people in Northern Ireland feel that the city was still segregated. After all, the wall is still up, and the emotional walls are certainly still there. How long will it take fore the city to re-integrate and heal these wounds of segregation?

BD: Generations. Although workplaces might be integrated, people still socialize separately. I’m not sure it matters so much that you don’t visit each other’s houses or party together. As long as you’re not fighting each other it’s a big plus.

N & V: Why do you think the civil rights movement in America did not become as violent as “The Troubles“?

BD: There was, ultimately, a legal recourse in the U.S. Britain had and has no written constitution, so there was nowhere Catholics could point to a legal right that was being denied. In Ireland too the issue was complicated by a nationalist issue with a tradition of physical force. It wasn’t as though black people in Alabama were trying to reclaim the state from the U.S. government. American civil rights protesters wanted a fair deal inside the system, whereas for many in Ireland they wanted to overthrow the system.

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Behind the Story:
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Last summer, I had the opportunity to go to Belfast as part of a reporting internship (yes, with People Magazine’s London Bureau) accompanying my graduate work at USC’s Annenberg School.

We were given exclusive access to some high members of the N. Irish government, including included one ex-IRA member. He was the first Catholic to serve along side Protestants in a historic move toward an end to Northern Ireland’s “Troubles.” We were also given a chance to meet some of the Catholics who were thrown in prison. Our meeting took place at a bar called the Felon’s Club (designated as a meeting place for the many felons / political prisoners in Belfast). While there, one man told us about the inspiration the Catholics took from the African-American civil rights movement and the unlikely experiential link that crossed the Atlantic.

So, nearly a year after my visit to the Felon’s Club, when St. Paddy’s Day rolled around, the good people of NPR’s News and Notes let me share my experience and the words from people who felt “The Troubles” first hand.

Here’s some of my photos from 2007:

Protestant mural in Belfast, Northern Ireland / Photo by Drew Tewksbury

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Protestant mural in Belfast, Northern Ireland / Photo by Drew Tewksbury

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Shepard Fairey Presidential Logo Analysis from DTewksbury on Vimeo.

Has election coverage burnt you out?

We at News and Views decided to examine the candidates in a different way: by their looks.

No, we’re not waxing poetic on any yellow pantsuits or baby-blue ties. Instead, we’re looking at each campaign’s graphic designs.

We talked to graphic designers, artists, and art professors in a no-holds-barred dialogue on the visual elements of the presidential campaign.

On Hillary:
“The Hillary design is safe. This is more a bland strategy than a brand strategy. LCD design. Lowest Common Denominator. Design by committee. We’ve never met, but right away we are on first name terms, with friendly chubby serif type. The partial flag says patriotic but not nationalistic. A polite democratic ‘take back the flag’ from the hardliners move.”

- Simon Johnston
Professor, Director of Print Design
Art Center College of Design

On McCain:
“John McCain’s visual identity is on point with his militaristic and conservative message. His campaign directly appropriates the symbolism of the ‘Army of One’ campaign through the use of the lone star of the Brigadier General and the color palette of gunmetal with gold flourishes.”

- Garland Kirkpatrick
Associate Professor of Graphic Design
Loyola Marymount University
Head of Helvetica Jones Design

On Obama:
“Obama’s name and logo are not only surprisingly small, but light blue against dark blue doesn’t pop out as do the other two candidates’ names. He uses the flag’s colors and stripes, but in a more abstract way and non-literal way, evoking a rising sun or new horizon, synonymous with his message.”

- Carol A. Wells
Executive Director
Center for the Study of Political Graphics

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